Showing posts with label Iraq. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Iraq. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 23, 2016

Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of measures to counter trafficking in persons (S/2016/949) [EN/AR] - World | ReliefWeb

" ... Armed conflicts and humanitarian crises expose those caught in the crossfire to increased risk of being trafficked both in and beyond conflict zones and exacerbate many factors that increase individual and group vulnerability to human trafficking, such as lack of economic livelihood, discrimination and gender-based violence, and that have a disproportionate impact on groups that already lack power and status in society, including women, children, migrants, refugees and the internally displaced. ..."

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Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of measures to counter trafficking in persons (S/2016/949) [EN/AR] - World | ReliefWeb:

Tuesday, July 10, 2012

"Victims of Complacency": Trafficking and Abuse of Migrant Workers on U.S. Military Bases

"Victims of Complacency": Trafficking and Abuse of Migrant Workers on U.S. Military Bases


Source: ACLU Blog of Rights


06/28/2012


By Steven Watt, Senior Staff Attorney, ACLU Human Rights Program & Valerie Brender, Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project at 1:29pm
(Originally posted on Huffington Post)
Ramesh, a college graduate from India, borrowed $5,000 from a loan shark to pay a recruiting agent for the opportunity to work in Kuwait as a storekeeper at a wage of $800/month. His aims were simple: to provide a better life for himself and his family. Instead, Ramesh was trafficked to a U.S. military base in Iraq where he was compelled to work as a janitor for $150/month. This paltry sum meant that Ramesh was unable to meet his loan repayments. In a cruel attempt to intimidate him into making his payments, the loan shark sexually assaulted Ramesh’s sister and seized the family home.
This story, recounted in the just-released, joint ACLU-Yale Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic report, “Victims of Complacency”, is but one example of the price that many migrant workers have paid and continue to pay for the opportunity to work on U.S. military bases and other U.S.-run facilities around the world.
These migrant workers, often referred to as “third-country nationals,” or “TCNs,” have become an indispensable part of the daily lives of our troops in the wars and their aftermath in Iraq and Afghanistan. Like Ramesh, TCNs come mainly from developing countries such as India, the Philippines, Nepal and Uganda, and are contracted to perform low-paid but essential services as cooks, janitors, cleaners and mechanics on U.S. military bases worldwide. In 2011, there were more than 60,000 TCNs contracted to work in Iraq and Afghanistan alone. And while the U.S. military has largely been replaced by the State Department in Iraq, thousands of contract workers, many of whom are TCNs, remain in the country to provide services to the U.S. embassy.
“Victims of Complacency,” together with hundreds of pages of documentsobtained by the ACLU through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, details the trafficking, forced labor and other abuses that thousands of TCNs have suffered since 2003. The report also provides a concrete set of detailed recommendations to Congress that are aimed at preventing future abuses.
As the report documents, the trafficking and abuse of TCNs in Iraq and Afghanistan is facilitated by the U.S. government contacting and sub-contracting process. The U.S. government, often through the Department of Defense or State, will award prime contractors, U.S.-based corporations such as Kellogg, Brown & Root (KBR), logistics contracts to service the U.S. military on bases in Iraq and Afghanistan. These government contractors in turn subcontract to other contractors, most of them located in the Gulf States or the Middle East, that then contract with local recruiting agencies in the workers’ countries of origin. Workers like Ramesh, enticed by promises of high paying jobs in the Middle East, take out loans from local loan sharks to pay recruiting agency fees for the promise of high-paying jobs overseas. Some workers get lucky; their recruiting agencies don’t charge them a fee and are honest about the location and pay of their work. However, many workers are not so fortunate. Like Ramesh they end up paying exorbitant recruitment fees to secure jobs that pay much less than advertised and that are located in different countries than indicated on their contracts (Iraq and Afghanistan instead of Kuwait or the United Arab Emirates), or sometimes don’t even exist. Often, these jobs come with unsafe and unhygienic living and working conditions. Fearful of losing their jobs and defaulting on their loans, which often mean the loss of their livelihoods back home, these workers continue with their contracts in spite of these conditions. Contractors, who are often aware of the precarious financial situation of many TCNs, take advantage of and will threaten the workers with termination if they make complaints about their poor working conditions and pay.
“Victims of Complacency” also highlights how the government contracting process opens the door to corruption and waste of U.S. tax-payer’s dollars by U.S. military contractors. For example, the bipartisan Commission on Wartime Contracting noted in its 2011 report that contractors bill for TCNs at an average rate of $67,600 to perform food services and other menial tasks. Yet, TCNsalaries often range between $150-$500 a month, or $1800-$6000 per year. Since TCNs are often charged for their recruitment and transportation into Iraq and Afghanistan, it is unclear what causes such a large discrepancy between contractor billings and TCN salaries.
Despite media and government reports on TCN trafficking and abuse and contractor malfeasance, in the past ten years not single military contractor has been prosecuted by the government. Nor is there evidence that military contracts are ever terminated due to contractor trafficking violations. However, as the ACLU-Yale report notes, the United States government can address future trafficking, abuse, and corruption in government contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan by taking small, but important steps to improve the oversight of the contracting process and more effectively enforce existing laws and policies, including U.S. anti-trafficking laws. “Victims of Complacency” makes a number of concrete recommendations on how greater oversight may be introduced and how U.S. laws may be employed to counter trafficking and abuse of TCNs in the future.
The U.S. government has repeatedly and forcefully stressed its zero-tolerance policy on trafficking; criminal prosecutions and administrative penalties for non-compliant companies should be at the forefront of its enforcement strategy against U.S. contractors that violate U.S. anti-trafficking laws.
As some companies operating in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated, the adoption of stricter hiring and employment standards, aimed at preventing trafficking and abuse of TCNs, are not a pipe dream. “Victims of Complacency”highlights that FSI Worldwide, a British contractor, has hired workers from Nepal, India, and Kenya for positions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the UAE. FSI “transfer[s] the cost of recruitment from the TCN to the contracting company, eliminat[es] recruiting agents and us[es] only trusted senior personnel to conduct recruitment, and ask[s] recruits to sign non-payment declarations and to report any attempts by staff to extort money.”

GET INVOLVED

Tell Your Senator to End Trafficking in Government Contracting
TCNs migrate to find work, to provide for their families, and to save for a better life. The responsibility lies with the U.S. government to ensure that these workers—who provide valuable services to our troops and embassies—are not trafficked, forced into indentured servitude, or otherwise exploited on the taxpayer’s dime in violation of U.S. and international law.

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Tuesday, March 27, 2012

GOP, Dems come together to fight human trafficking by contractors in Iraq, Afghanistan - The Hill's Floor Action


SOURCE: The Hill

By Pete Kasperowicz - 03/27/12 09:33 AM ET
A bipartisan group of members from the House and Senate proposed legislation on Monday that seeks to crack down on human trafficking by contractors that the U.S. military hires for work in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The End Trafficking in Government Contracting Act is a reaction to reports from the Commission on Wartime Contracting and the inspectors general of the Defense and State departments that overseas contractors are known to engage in practices that are illegal under U.S. employee rights standards. These include seizing workers' passports to trap them at a work site, lying about compensation, engaging in sexual abuse and generally keeping workers in a state of indentured servitude.
Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), the lead Senate sponsor of the bill, said the legislation would help improve the treatment of third-country workers who are lured to work in Iraq and Afghanistan only to be defrauded or enslaved.

"Modern-day slavery by government contractors — unknowingly funded by American taxpayers — is unconscionable and intolerable," Blumenthal said. "Current law prohibiting human trafficking is insufficient and ineffective, failing to prevent or punish abuses.
"By increasing preventative scrutiny and investigation, this legislation will stop egregious human-rights abuses on U.S. military bases, increasing security for our troops and preventing waste of taxpayer dollars."

A co-sponsor, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), said it is unacceptable that these abuses are often supported by U.S. taxpayer dollars.

"This bill will help crack down on this dehumanizing practice, particularly in government contracting labor operations, and I am proud to support it as one more step we can do to punish human-rights abuses," Rubio said.

Under the bill, contractors with contracts worth $1 million or more would have to implement plans to prevent all abusive practices, and would have to notify the government if they have evidence that a subcontractor is involved in prohibited conduct.

The enforcement provisions of the bill would allow for criminal penalties, in part by expanding current rules related to the treatment of foreign workers inside the United States to foreign workers outside the country. The bill would also allow the government to remove certain employees or suspend contractors when violations are found.

Blumenthal's bill, S. 2234, is also co-sponsored by Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine), Al Franken (D-Minn.), Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.), Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.) and Rob Portman (R-Ohio).

The House companion bill, H.R. 4259, was sponsored by Rep. James Lankford (R-Okla.), and is co-sponsored by House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) and Reps. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), Elijah Cummings (D-Md.) and Chris Smith (R-N.J.).

Issa's committee is scheduled to hold a hearing on the bill Tuesday morning at 10 a.m., with Blumenthal and Portman expected to testify on the bill at that time.
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Friday, November 11, 2011

Study Details Sex-Traffic in Post-Saddam Iraq | Womens eNews

Source: http://www.womensenews.org/story/prostitution-and-trafficking/111108/study-details-sex-traffic-in-post-saddam-iraq?utm_source=email&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=email

Wednesday, November 9, 2011

Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq thousands of women and girls have been trafficked for sexual exploitation, finds a report published today by the London-based Social Change Through Education in the Middle East.

(WOMENSENEWS)-- Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003, as many as 5,000 women and girls have been trafficked for sexual exploitation, with most ending up in Syria, according to a preliminary report released today by the London-based Social Change Through Education in the Middle East.

Jordan is the second-ranking destination for trafficked girls and women, according to the Nov. 9 report.

These two bordering countries have maintained a relatively liberal policy of granting visas to refugees while also subjecting them to labor restrictions.

That combination, the report finds, puts girls and women at high risk of seeking money through prostitution and also being prostituted by families and organized networks.


"Both the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government have failed to address the problem of sex trafficking," the report finds, also noting that the Iraqi constitution prohibits the trafficking of women and children, as well as the sex trade and slavery.

Despite that, the study charges the Iraqi government with failing to identify and prosecute traffickers or to protect victims. Instead, the government "often punishes victims of trafficking for crimes committed as a direct result of being trafficked."

The study, "Karamatuna" or "Our Dignity" in Arabic, serves as the first stage of a project to measure the full extent of trafficking of Iraqi women and the way in which women are exploited. It analyzes existing literature and data collected by nongovernmental groups and international organizations. In the next stage, researchers will interview victims.

"What is stated within the pages of this report is just the tip of the iceberg," says Iman Abou-Atta, founder and director of Social Change. "We will continue to work to uncover more hidden truths; conduct vital field investigations; challenge authorities and spread awareness internationally so that the world can stand up against the trafficking of women and girls in the Arab world."

The report describes the plight of Leyla, an Iraqi refugee, last known to be living with her mother and brothers. "Prevented as refugees from working legally in the country (Syria), her family had run out of its savings. By the age of 14, her mother had forced her to work in a nightclub as a prostitute in order to generate income for the family."

While Syria and Jordan are the top-two sex-trafficking destinations, other countries in the region are also involved: Kuwait, Lebanon, Iran, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.

"Our Dignity" finds that while chaos and anarchy have made all people more vulnerable to trafficking, women and girls have been most affected. "The neglect of authorities to deal with this problem effectively had fostered a state of impunity in which crimes against women are neglected and offenders go unpunished," it says.

Refugee Women Hurt
Domestic violence, rape and other forms of gender-based violence have become a common practice among the internally displaced persons in Iraq and the large refugee communities in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and other countries of the Middle East, according to the report.

Iraqi women's vulnerability to trafficking began after the Gulf War in 1991 and the economic sanctions against Saddam Hussein's Baath regime, the study says. In the preceding two decades--from 1979 to 1991--Saddam's regime appeared to foster women's civil participation. Girls were allowed to attend school, which narrowed the literacy gap and provided women more access to high-ranking jobs in government agencies and ministries.

Divorce laws were liberalized, giving women more leeway to exit marriages. In 1980 women gained the right to vote and run for political office.

Two major exceptions to these liberalizations were Iraqi women from Shia Muslim and Kurdish communities who were subject to religious discrimination and highly vulnerable to rape by Saddam Hussein's militias and military personnel, or to being trafficked into Iran, Turkey, Egypt and Sudan, according to a 2010 study from the Norwegian Church Aid quoted by the study.

Gulf War Sanctions

The 1991 Gulf War led to tough economic sanctions by the international community designed to overthrow Saddam's Baath Party. That brought the country's economy to its knees. Employed women were dismissed from their jobs, freedoms were restricted and girls' school attendance dropped.

These restrictions worsened the exploitation of women in the workplace and led to an alarming increase in prostitution. "A huge number of widowed and single mothers, facing either no income or a monthly salary of just a few dollars, were forced into prostitution to merely survive," the study finds.

Facing financial difficulties, some families pushed daughters into prostitution, sold them to traffickers or forced them into marriage.

Authors tell the story on one young woman, Amira, whose " family was facing financial problems, when a man came to her father with an offer to hire Amira for $200 a month in order to help take care of his wife, who was handicapped. The impoverished family agreed with this tempting offer, but Amira, 17 years old, had no idea what was in store for her. Her work was not restricted to only housework; she had to have sexual intercourse with the son, and friends of, the man who hired her."

Confronted with this lack of security and the absence of punishment for such crimes, the report finds women and girls often confining themselves to their homes out of fear of being raped or kidnapped.

"We are all afraid and I cannot go alone anywhere. Even my older daughters, I fear for them. This is not a normal life we are living anymore," authors quoted a pharmacist in Bagdad.

Women Are Often Traffickers

Professional traffickers are very often women involved in the sex industry, authors say. These traffickers target girls and young women--often in cities or public transportation systems--who have often fled their homes out of fear of abuse, forced marriage or the threat of honor crimes. The traffickers pretend to provide assistance, offering to take the girls to shelters that turn out to be brothels. In other cases, male solicitors and taxi drivers are recruited by trafficking gangs to lure vulnerable young girls.

The report also explores the rise of Syria s mut'a marriages, known also as temporary marriages, which can be allowed among some Shia communities. The practice, with varying degrees of social acceptability, can be abused for trafficking purposes so that a girl or woman is married off on a Friday for an agreed price, and on the following Sunday the couple is divorced.

Research suggests that "the rates at which these mut'a marriages are carried out intensifies in the summer when male tourists visit Syria from the Gulf." Similar practices have also been observed in Lebanon.

Salma, for instance, was forced by her father into a mut'a marriage with her cousin at age 15. After 48 hours, after sexually exploiting her, he abandoned her. Her father refused to take her back. Instead he decided to take her to Syria to find her mother. At the border, her father left, selling her to a stranger who subjected her to a series of rapes and forced her into sex work in a Damascus nightclub for two years. Upon becoming pregnant, she was turned over to the streets of Damascus.

"Although this particular kind of marriage is not explicitly called prostitution, it is in effect sexual exploitation, often forced, as means of either securing livelihood, or generating profit." the report says.

Traffickers tend to target the youngest girls and women, for whom they can get the highest prices. "For virgin girls, the sale price can reach thousands of dollars and in some devastating cases; girls are obliged by their traffickers to undertake painful and dangerous hymen operations in order that they might be re-sold again as virgins."


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Sunday, September 18, 2011

Female Trafficking Soars in Iraq - IPS ipsnews.net

Source: IPS ipsnews.net

By Rebecca Murray


BAGHDAD, Aug 27, 2011 (IPS) - Rania was 16 years old when officials raped her during Saddam Hussein’s 1991 crackdown in Iraq’s Shia south. "My brothers were sentenced to death, and the price to stop this was to offer my body," she says.

Cast out for bringing ‘shame’ to her family, Rania ran away to Baghdad and soon fell into living and working in Baghdad’s red light district.

Prostitution and sex trafficking are epidemic in Iraq, where the violence of military occupation and sectarian strife have smashed national institutions, impoverished the population and torn apart families and neighbourhoods. Over 100,000 civilians have been killed and an estimated 4.4 million Iraqis displaced since 2003.

"Wars and conflicts, wherever they are fought, invariably usher in sickeningly high level of violence against women and girls," Amnesty International states.

Rania worked her way up as a sex trafficker’s deputy, collecting money from clients. "If I had four girls, and about 200 clients a day - it could be about 50 clients for each one of them," she explains.

Sex costs about 100 dollars a session now, Rania says. Many virgin teenage girls are sold for around 5,000 dollars, and trafficked to popular destinations like northern Iraq, Syria and the United Arab Emirates. Non-virgins are about half that price.

Girls who run away to escape domestic violence or forced marriage are the most vulnerable prey for men working for pimps in bus stations and taxi stands. Some girls are also sold into marriages by family relatives, only to be handed over to trafficking rings.

Most of Iraq’s sex traffickers are predominantly female, running squalid brothels in neighbourhoods like the decrepit Al-Battaween district in central Baghdad.

Six years ago, a raid by U.S. troops on Rania’s brothel brought her nefarious career to an abrupt end. The prostitutes were charged along with everyone else for abetting terrorism.

Imprisonment changed Rania’s life. While she served time in Baghdad’s Al-Kadimiyah lock-up – where more than half the female inmates serve time for prostitution – a local women’s support group befriended her. Today she works for them as an undercover researcher, drawing on her years of experience and connections to infiltrate brothels throughout Iraq.

"I deal with all these pimps and sex traffickers," Rania says, covered in black, with black, lacquered fingernails and gold bracelets. "I don’t tell them I’m an activist, I tell them I am a sex trafficker. This is the only way for me to get information. If they discover that I’m an activist I get killed."

In one harrowing experience, Rania and two other girls visited a house in Baghdad’s Al-Jihad district, where girls as young as 16 were held to cater exclusively to the U.S. military. The brothel’s owner told Rania that an Iraqi interpreter employed by the Americans served as the go-between, transporting girls to and from the U.S. airport base.

Rania’s co-workers covertly took photos of the captive teenagers with their mobile phones, but were caught. "One girl went crazy," Rania recalls. "She accused us of spying. I don’t know how we escaped," she exclaims. "We had to run away - barefoot!"

Before the Gulf War in 1991, Iraq enjoyed the highest female literacy rate across the Middle East, and more Iraqi women were employed in skilled professions, like medicine and education, than in any other country in the region.

Twenty years later Iraqi women experience a very different reality. Sharia law increasing dominates everyday life, with issues like marriage, divorce and honour crimes implemented outside of the court system, and adherence to state law.

"Many factors combined to promote the rise of sex trafficking and prostitution in the area," a Norwegian Church Aid report said last year.

"The US-led war and the chaos it has generated; the growing insecurity and lawlessness; corruption of authorities; the upsurge in religious extremism; economic hardship; marriage pressures; gender based violence and recurrent discrimination suffered by women; kidnappings of girls and women; the impunity of perpetrators of crimes, especially those against women; and the development of new technologies associated with the globalisation of the sex industry."

The International Organisation of Migration (IOM) estimates 800,000 humans are trafficked across borders annually, but statistics within Iraq are very difficult to pin down.

Although the Iraqi constitution deems trafficking illegal, there are no criminal laws that effectively prosecute offenders. Perversely, it is often the victims of trafficking and prostitution that are punished.

IOM is currently working with an inter-ministerial panel to lobby for a new reading of the revised counter-trafficking law, which has been stalled by the government since 2009.

"We have reports about trafficking both inside and out of Iraq," says senior deputy minister, Judge Asghar Al-Musawi, at the Ministry of Migration and Displacement.

"However, I admit that Iraqi government institutions are not mature enough to deal with this topic yet, as the departments are still in their growing phase."

Human Rights Watch (HRW) says the government has done little to combat the issue. "This is a phenomenon that wasn’t prevalent in 2003," says HRW researcher, Samer Muscati.

"We don’t have specific statistics. This is the first part to tackle the problem; we need to know how significant and widespread the problem is. This is something the government hasn’t been doing. It hasn’t monitored or cracked down on traffickers, and because of that there is this black hole in terms of information."

Zeina, 18, is an example of an invisible statistic. According to the local Organisation of Women’s Freedom in Iraq (OWFI), she was 13 when her grandfather sold her to a sex trafficker in Dubai for 6,000 dollars. She performed only oral sex with customers until a wealthy man paid 4,000 dollars to take her virginity for one night.

After four years of prostitution, Zeina finally escaped the United Arab Emirates and returned back to her parents in Baghdad. She approached the authorities and took her grandfather to court. However, Zeina has since disappeared. OWFI has learned she was sold again, this time by her mother to a sex trafficker in Erbil.

OWFI director Yanar Mohammed says her office has been threatened for their advocacy against the lucrative trafficking industry, especially reporting on an infamous brothel owner in Al-Battaween district known as Emam.

"In each house there are almost 45 women and it is such a chaotic scene where women get treated like a cheap meat market," describes Mohammed. "You step into the house and see women being exploited sexually, even not behind closed doors. So the woman who runs these houses makes an incredible income, and has a crew around her to protect what she does."

Emam is said to enjoy close ties with the Interior Ministry, and has never had one of her four houses shut down. Despite OWFI’s expose, her operations are unaffected.

Mohammed sighs. "Iraq has a whole generation of women who are in their teens now, whose bodies have been turned into battlefields from criminal ideologies." (END)



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Friday, July 22, 2011

Your Tax Dollars at Work? U.S. Military Contractors and Human Trafficking in War Zones » Blog of Rights: Official Blog of the American Civil Liberties Union

Jul 21st, 2011
Posted by Steven Watt and Valerie Brender,
Human Rights Program at 2:24pm

Today, we filed a lawsuit to enforce an earlier Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request aimed at tackling the underreported problem of trafficking and abusive treatment of foreign workers on U.S. military bases in Iraq and Afghanistan. More than 70,000 low-wage workers, commonly known as third country nationals or “TCNs,” work for U.S. military contractors to provide the U.S armed forces with essential services on military bases in Iraq and Afghanistan, including construction, cooking and cleaning. As recent media reports indicate, many of these workers often end up on these military bases through a convoluted system of sub-contracting rife with corruption, debt bondage, coercion and other abuse.

Our FOIA lawsuit, filed on behalf of the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project, seeks documents detailing the monitoring and enforcement of trafficking and labor laws and policies on U.S. bases in Iraq and Afghanistan.

A recent article in The New Yorker paints a typical picture of the corrupt military sub-contracting system in operation. The article tells the story of a group of Fijian women TCNs, one handful of the tens of thousands of individuals who work to support the American military in war zones around the world. Hired by a local recruitment agency in their home country as beauticians in 2007, the women were promised lucrative employment in luxury hotels in Dubai. However, upon their arrival there, the women were informed that they were actually bound for a U.S. military base in Iraq. Some of the women had taken out loans to cover onerous recruiting fees; others were threatened with exorbitant termination fees if they returned to Fiji. Because of these costs, they felt compelled to travel to Iraq despite the danger to their lives. Once in Iraq, the women’s contracts were reduced to a fraction of what they had been initially promised in Fiji. And, before being paid at all, the women were all required to sign contracts stating that they would work twelve hours a day, seven days a week with overtime hours that they were unable to turn down.

These corrupt recruiting tactics were not supposed to happen. In fact, back in 2006, in direct response to mounting evidence of trafficking and other abuses of foreign workers by U.S. military contractors, then commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, General George Casey, issued rules for all military contractors aimed at stopping trafficking and abuse. These rules required that all foreign workers retain their passports, basic standards of living for foreign workers and that all unlicensed recruiting firms be banned from the contracting process.

Unfortunately, since the rules were established, it is difficult to determine whether they have been successful in ending illegal trafficking and abuse. And, recent media articles and government reports suggest the opposite; that they have done little to prevent trafficking and other abuses. Other instances of trafficking and abuse of foreign workers in Iraq and Afghanistan, such as those of the Fijian women, continue to be exposed, revealing that the rules are neither being followed by contactors nor enforced by the government.

We hope that our lawsuit will promote greater transparency about the sub-contracting process with a view to effectively stemming further trafficking and abuses of workers on American military bases. Stay tuned for information about what we uncover.

Source: Blog of Rights: Official Blog of the American Civil Liberties Union
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Sunday, July 3, 2011

The U.S. Military’s “Third-Country Nationals” : The New Yorker

For foreign workers on U.S. bases in Iraq and Afghanistan, war can be hell.

by June 6, 2011

More than seventy thousand

More than seventy thousand “third-country nationals” work for the American military in war zones; many report being held in conditions resembling indentured servitude by subcontractors who operate outside the law. Photographs by Peter Van Agtmael.

It was lunchtime in Suva, Fiji, a slow day at the end of the tourist season in September of 2007, when four men appeared in the doorway of the Rever Beauty Salon, where Vinnie Tuivaga worked as a hair stylist. The men wore polished shoes and bright Hawaiian shirts, and they told Vinnie about a job that sounded, she recalls, like “the fruits of my submission to the Lord all these years.” How would she like to make five times her current salary at a luxury hotel in Dubai, a place known as the City of Gold? How would she like to have wealthy Arab customers, women who paid ridiculous fees for trendy cut-and-color jobs?

“I’ll talk it over with my husband,” she replied, coolly, but her pulse was racing. Vinnie, who was forty-five, had never worked abroad, but she often dreamed of it while hearing missionaries’ lectures at her local church. Nearly six feet tall and two hundred and thirty pounds, Vinnie moved with an arthritic gait. But she took care with her appearance. She wore shiny slacks, with a gold pageboy cap on her perfectly coiffed frosted black hair, and carried a bright-red faux-leather purse, stuffed with silver eyeshadow. She could see herself working in one of the great cosmopolitan capitals. The offer seemed like her big break, the chance to send her teen-age daughter to hospitality college and to pay her youngest son’s fees for secondary school.

Later that week, at a salon around the corner, Lydia Qeraniu, thirty-two, heard a similar offer. A quick-witted woman with a coquettish smile and a figure that prompted Fijian men to call out “uro, uro!”—slang for “yummy”—Lydia was thrilled by the prospect of a career in Dubai. So were many other women in beauty shops and beachside hotels across Fiji. A Korean Air flight to Dubai would be leaving from Nadi International Airport in a few days. The women just had to deliver their résumés, hand over their passports, submit to medical tests, and pay a commission of five hundred dollars to a local recruitment firm called Meridian Services Agency.

Soon, more than fifty women were lined up outside Meridian’s office to compete for positions that would pay as much as thirty-eight hundred dollars a month—more than ten times Fiji’s annual per-capita income. Ten women were chosen, Vinnie and Lydia among them. Vinnie lifted her arms in the air and sang her favorite gospel song: “We’re gonna make it, we’re gonna make it. With Jesus on our side, things will work out fine.” Lydia raced home to tell her husband and explain things to her five-year-old son. “Mommy’s going to be O.K.,” she recalls telling him. “Dubai, it’s a rich country. Only good things can happen.”

On the morning of October 10, 2007, the beauticians boarded their flight to the Emirates. They carried duffelbags full of cosmetics, family photographs, Bibles, floral sarongs, and chambas, traditional silky Fijian tops worn with patterned skirts. More than half of the women left husbands and children behind. In the rush to depart, none of them examined the fine print on their travel documents: their visas to the Emirates weren’t employment permits but thirty-day travel passes that forbade all work, “paid or unpaid”; their occupations were listed as “Sales Coördinator.” And Dubai was just a stopping-off point. They were bound for U.S. military bases in Iraq.

Lydia and Vinnie were unwitting recruits for the Pentagon’s invisible army: more than seventy thousand cooks, cleaners, construction workers, fast-food clerks, electricians, and beauticians from the world’s poorest countries who service U.S. military logistics contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Filipinos launder soldiers’ uniforms, Kenyans truck frozen steaks and inflatable tents, Bosnians repair electrical grids, and Indians provide iced mocha lattes. The Army and Air Force Exchange Service (AAFES) is behind most of the commercial “tastes of home” that can be found on major U.S. bases, which include jewelry stores, souvenir shops filled with carved camels and Taliban chess sets, beauty salons where soldiers can receive massages and pedicures, and fast-food courts featuring Taco Bell, Subway, Pizza Hut, and Cinnabon. (AAFES’s motto: “We go where you go.”)

The expansion of private-security contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan is well known. But armed security personnel account for only about sixteen per cent of the over-all contracting force. The vast majority—more than sixty per cent of the total in Iraq—aren’t hired guns but hired hands. These workers, primarily from South Asia and Africa, often live in barbed-wire compounds on U.S. bases, eat at meagre chow halls, and host dance parties featuring Nepalese romance ballads and Ugandan church songs. A large number are employed by fly-by-night subcontractors who are financed by the American taxpayer but who often operate outside the law.

The wars’ foreign workers are known, in military parlance, as “third-country nationals,” or T.C.N.s. Many of them recount having been robbed of wages, injured without compensation, subjected to sexual assault, and held in conditions resembling indentured servitude by their subcontractor bosses. Previously unreleased contractor memos, hundreds of interviews, and government documents I obtained during a yearlong investigation confirm many of these claims and reveal other grounds for concern. Widespread mistreatment even led to a series of food riots in Pentagon subcontractor camps, some involving more than a thousand workers.

Amid the slow withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq and Afghanistan, T.C.N.s have become an integral part of the Obama Administration’s long-term strategy, as a way of replacing American boots on the ground. But top U.S. military officials are seeing the drawbacks to this outsourcing bonanza. Some argue, as retired General Stanley McChrystal did before his ouster from Afghanistan, last summer, that the unregulated rise of the Pentagon’s Third World logistics army is undermining American military objectives. Others worry that mistreatment of foreign workers has become, as the former U.S. Representative Christopher Shays, who co-chairs the bipartisan Commission on Wartime Contracting, describes it, “a human-rights abuse that cannot be tolerated.”

PHOTOGRAPHS: MAGNUM
Source: www.newyorker.com
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Monday, May 9, 2011

Commentary: Army reservists helped Ugandan women escape human traffickers - KansasCity.com

Word spread quickly among the desperate Ugandan women:
If you can somehow escape from the Iraqi household, go to the “Flying Man” statue. The Americans will help you.

Eventually, 17 women, many beaten and raped by their enslaving employers, made it inside the U.S. base in Baghdad in 2009.

The women were not U.S. citizens, nor hired by U.S. contractors, and the Americans had no jurisdiction beyond the walls of their base, having turned security matters over to Iraqi forces months earlier.

So, it would have been easy for the men of the 326th Area Support Group, an Army Reserve unit from Kansas City, Kan., to do nothing, to not get involved, to avoid risk of an international incident. That’s not the choice they made.

“I don’t know if I could have lived with myself,” said Lt. Col. Ted Lockwood, who organized the sanctuary where the victims of a human trafficking ring hid.

At least 150 Ugandan women, maybe more, are believed to have been lured into Iraq with the promise of jobs on an American military base. Instead, some were sold to wealthy Iraqi families for about $3,500 each.
Sexually assaulted, starved, worked from early in the morning until late at night, some without any pay, the women felt trapped.

“Oh, my God. I thought I would die. I thought they were going to kill me. I lost my life,” said Prossie, one of the Ugandans who found refuge within Victory Base Complex.

She said she was raped at one house where she worked. She considered taking her own life before another Ugandan woman passed her a secret message: “Get to the American base.”

Alone and in small groups, the women made their way to the landmark statue outside the sprawling base. One was so traumatized she was unable to speak and had to be helped through the gates.

Another victim was pregnant from rape. Some would later test positive for sexually transmitted diseases. One likely had been drugged. Several had infections and problems from poor nutrition. Most had bruises from recent beatings.

Samuel Tumwesigye, a Ugandan working for a private security firm at the base, first heard about the women’s plight. He told Lockwood, who helped oversee Camp Slayer, one of several installations at the Victory complex, a nearly 50-square-mile base set within the grounds of a Saddam Hussein palace.

Tumwesigye wanted to take other Ugandan guards to go rescue the women from their abusive circumstances, but the American officer warned that they could be arrested and imprisoned by Iraqi forces.

“We cannot go get the women, but if they can get here, I will protect them,” Lockwood said.
Less than three hours later, he received a call. Tumwesigye was in his office with a frightened Ugandan woman, frantic because her employer was about to send her to Syria.

Two days later, two more showed up. They were given a place to stay, set up with board games to play, puzzles and cards. At first, the women slept a lot.

For two months, the women hid on the base, their presence known by only a handful of Army officials.

“If LTC Lockwood was not there, it would have been difficult, even impossible,” Tumwesigye said.

“We just figured it’s easier to ask for forgiveness than permission,” Lockwood said, although he kept his superiors informed.

He praises Tumwesigye, who risked his own safety and employment to encourage the women to flee, as well as Thair Ihssan, an Iraqi who worked for the International Organization for Migration and helped them return home.

“People just do what they have to do,” Lockwood said.

The incident is acknowledged by a four-line entry in a 359-page U.S. Department of State report chronicling the tragedy of human trafficking globally.
•••
“I am not interested in any publicity but would really like to raise awareness of the fate of these women and especially the 100+ that are still in Iraq,” Lockwood wrote in an initial email. “I do not need to be a part of your telling.”

Sorry, sir. But you do.

The 326th deserves great credit. Its members exemplify what reservists — ordinary men and women who find themselves in extraordinary circumstances — do.

Their rescue of the women was heroic, although those involved shun that term and until recently hid their exploit from publicity. Each said they never hesitated for one simple reason; it was the right thing to do.

Today, Lockwood works as a sourcing manager at the Sprint Campus in Overland Park. Originally from a small community in New York state, he has been a reservist for 22 years and comes from a family with a tradition of military service. He served in Germany during the Gulf War and completed two tours in Iraq.
His assistance of 14 Ugandan women occurred during his six-month deployment. Three more were helped by the officer who took over after Lockwood returned stateside.

Col. Charles Blaschke accompanied Lockwood whenever more women would make it to the “Flying Man,” a statue of Abbas ibn Firnas, a medieval astronomer who tried to soar with homemade wings, that was not far from the base.

The fear in the women’s eyes as they first arrived is seared in his memory, said the Kansas City litigation paralegal with 34 years in the reserves.

“We just tried to do the right thing and make them feel like a human being again,” Blaschke said. “They had just escaped from slavery.”

The men would then take the women to the post exchange, offering their credit cards so personal items could be bought. They were given medical attention as well, outfitted with clothes, shoes, anything they needed to feel more comfortable. Some of the women still treasure the stuffed toys Blaschke gave them their first night on the base.

For his role, Lockwood’s family was given a brown and white cow by Tumwesigye’s family. His son later named it Jessie Belle. The cow is cared for by Tumwesigye’s mother, who lives near Mbarara, Uganda.
•••

You would not be reading this now if it weren’t for a trial that was scheduled to begin Thursday in Kampala, Uganda’s capital. The case, now delayed by a judge’s absence, involves five of the rescued women, including Prossie.

“My life is still very hard,” she said. “I used all of my savings to get to that country.”

The former teacher’s thoughts came in spurts in a brief phone conversation from Kampala. The Kansas City Star is not using her full name, as sexual assault carries a horrible stigma for victims in her nation.

The women are accusing the company that lured them out of Uganda with responsibility for their suffering. In addition, they are charging their government as partly culpable.

Calls for comment from the recruiting firm, Uganda Veterans Development, were not answered. Nor did the Ugandan Ministry of Labor, which issued permits to the recruiting firm charged with trafficking the women, reply to requests for comment.

Because Uganda only recently passed the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act, the importance of the charges is amplified, said Ladislaus Kiiza Rwakafuuzi, an attorney handling the cases for FIDA, an international federation of women lawyers.

The victims’ treatment could result in the first prosecution of its kind under the new law, Rwakafuuzi said.
Lockwood contacted me after I wrote an opinion piece on rape as a tool of war. He was seeking help to publicize the trial and to raise funds for the women’s cause.

An estimated $18,000 is needed for witness protection because of the nature of the case and $38,000 in projected legal costs, according to Rwakafuuzi
•••

The term “international incident” was used by more than one official knowledgeable about the possibility that someone would attempt to kidnap the women or harm them.

“There were a lot of potential implications,” said retired Col. Tom Hardy of Olathe, who teaches at the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth.

To understand the sensitivity of the situation, realize that at the time, the U.S. military was attempting to hand authority to the Iraqis. And it was Iraqis — some probably influential — whom the women accused of the abuse.

Some of the women received death threats in cellphone calls from the people who had bought them. Lockwood stationed an armed female guard near the women, sequestered in a building once used as Baath party headquarters.

Hardy, at the time Lockwood’s immediate supervisor, never actually saw the women but, trusting Lockwood, gave permission to continue allowing them on base. He constantly checked with other officials, keeping a chain of command aware of developments.

Each man worries about the Ugandans they did not save, hopeful the trial will force the government to find out what happened to the women who are unaccounted for.

“I think about it,” said Blaschke of Lee’s Summit. “I have a daughter who is 21 and they are someone’s daughter, too.”

“The world is a horrible place,” Lockwood said. “I’ve seen some horrible things. If it can be imagined, then it can be done.”

Yes, but the same is true of the good that people can envision.

The reservists imagined how they could help. And then they just did it.

Commentary: Army reservists helped Ugandan women escape human traffickers - KansasCity.com
Source:  kansascity.com
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Wednesday, April 6, 2011

WRS | Geneva-based migration group sounds alarm over human trafficking in Iraq

Monday, 4 April, 2011

Geneva-based migration group sounds alarm over human trafficking in Iraq

The Geneva-based International Organization for Migration is featured in a compelling report to be broadcast by BBC’s Radio 4 in the UK this evening. It focuses on the plight of women in Uganda who get drawn into a web of human trafficking which amounts to modern-day slavery in Iraq. To hear more about this, WRS’s Dave Goodman talks to Jonathan Martens, counter-trafficking specialist for IOM:

 WRS | Geneva-based migration group sounds alarm over human trafficking in Iraq
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Friday, November 19, 2010

The Human Trafficking Project: Security Firms Agree Not to Use Forced Labor

Blackwater Worldwide's new company logo--refer...Image via Wikipedia

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Private security companies sign code of conduct

THE ASSOCIATED PRESS November 9, 2010, 4:48AM ET

GENEVA

Major private security companies have signed a code of conduct pledging to respect human rights and the rule of law in conflict zones such as Iraq and Afghanistan.

DynCorp International, G4S and Xe Services are among the firms signing the code Tuesday in the Swiss city of Geneva. North Carolina-based Xe Services was formerly known as Blackwater Worldwide.

The code developed by industry and government representatives requires companies to ensure their employees "take all necessary steps to avoid the use of force."

It also forbids mistreatment of detainees, sexual exploitation and forced labor.

Signatories, non-governmental groups and governments who employ them still have to agree how companies' compliance will be monitored and by whom.


************************************************

Several major security firms gathered in Geneva to sign an agreement stating they would not allow their employees to use forced labor or engage in sexual exploitation. Several of these organizations have been in the news for an array of allegations about rights abuse violations including human trafficking. It does not provide much comfort that at this point no arrangement was determined on how this agreement will be monitored and enforced. These security forces provide vital services in Iraq and Afghanistan but are largely viewed as being above the law both in the communities they work in and by the American people. Despite their negative public image, this is a step in the right direction and the agreement has the potential to hold security firms accountable, but only if enforced.


Source: The Human Trafficking Project

The Human Trafficking Project: Security Firms Agree Not to Use Forced Labor

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